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Nau's book is an important contribution to ongoing debates about the future course of US foreign policy. Historians will find the analysis of identity and ideology to be too brief, but policy analysts and theoreticians will find the effort to extrapolate from constructivist approaches and to integratei ssues of identitya nd powert o be useful and stimulatingN. eo-conservatives,such as Kagan, who dwell on threats and focus on power, will want to step back and ponder whether those factors should be elevated to positions of primacy, or whether shared values between industrial democracies in the informationa ge offer more promising possibilities for enhancing security and building a more stable world order.

Nau's book is an important contribution to ongoing debates about the future course of US foreign policy. Historians will find the analysis of identity and ideology to be too brief, but policy analysts and theoreticians will find the effort to extrapolate from constructivist approaches and to integratei ssues of identitya nd powert o be useful and stimulatingN. eo-conservatives,such as Kagan, who dwell on threats and focus on power, will want to step back and ponder whether those factors should be elevated to positions of primacy, or whether shared values between industrial democracies in the informationa ge offer more promising possibilities for enhancing security and building a more stable world order.

Nau's book is an important contribution to ongoing debates about the future course of US foreign policy. Historians will find the analysis of identity and ideology to be too brief, but policy analysts and theoreticians will find the effort to extrapolate from constructivist approaches and to integratei ssues of identitya nd powert o be useful and stimulatingN. eo-conservatives,such as Kagan, who dwell on threats and focus on power, will want to step back and ponder whether those factors should be elevated to positions of primacy, or whether shared values between industrial democracies in the informationa ge offer more promising possibilities for enhancing security and building a more stable world order.

卡贊斯坦在《牛津國際關係手冊》的摺中主義一節提到本書。“國傢安全曾被認為完全屬於現實主義的範疇。Henry Nau將均勢理論和身份平衡理論相結閤，就美國對外政策本質及長期保持均勢的趨勢提齣觀點。美國作為“新世界”卓爾不群和獨一無二部分的自我形象，使其與其他國傢形成瞭巨大的反差，由於權力、財富和其他眾多的原因，美國尋求與全世界更緊密的關係。迴顧美國對外政策曆史，不難得知：美國既是國際主義者，同時又是孤立主義者，它不停地搖擺於兩個身份之間，同時又陷於現實主義和自由主義的矛盾中。結果就是在相互競爭的聯盟之間不斷搖擺，或齣現某個陣營取得暫時性的勝利，或兩個陣營之間齣現不穩定的同盟。因此，很少情況下，美國與世界的關係會長時間不齣問題。因此，亨利·諾將傳統的均勢邏輯與國傢身份的平衡“。

卡贊斯坦在《牛津國際關係手冊》的摺中主義一節提到本書。“國傢安全曾被認為完全屬於現實主義的範疇。Henry Nau將均勢理論和身份平衡理論相結閤，就美國對外政策本質及長期保持均勢的趨勢提齣觀點。美國作為“新世界”卓爾不群和獨一無二部分的自我形象，使其與其他國傢形成瞭巨大的反差，由於權力、財富和其他眾多的原因，美國尋求與全世界更緊密的關係。迴顧美國對外政策曆史，不難得知：美國既是國際主義者，同時又是孤立主義者，它不停地搖擺於兩個身份之間，同時又陷於現實主義和自由主義的矛盾中。結果就是在相互競爭的聯盟之間不斷搖擺，或齣現某個陣營取得暫時性的勝利，或兩個陣營之間齣現不穩定的同盟。因此，很少情況下，美國與世界的關係會長時間不齣問題。因此，亨利·諾將傳統的均勢邏輯與國傢身份的平衡“。