The Election of 1828<br > t the conclusion of the preceding volume an unhappy and<br > frustrated John Quincy Adams was the occupant of the White<br >House. An intellectual s intellectual， rivaled in brilliance among all the<br >presidents of the republic only by his grandfather， John Adams， and<br >Thomas Jefferson， he had none of those small arts of accommodation<br >so essential to the success of an American politician. In his inaugural<br >address， Adams had proposed the vision of an enlightened and benign<br >government establishing a national observatory， encouraging the arts<br >and sciences， making the United States the rival of European powers in<br >projects designed to enhance the cultural and intellectual life of its<br >citizens. The address had been treated with contempt and derision by<br >the great majority of the Congressmen; his national observatory was a<br >special object of mirth to editorial writers.<br > Adams s presidency posed one of the classic problems of democra-<br >cy. Were intelligence， vast experience， and personal rectitude to go<br >unrewarded unless combined with the arts of ingratiation， with an<br >affected affability and a willingness to pander to popular tastes and to<br >flatter popular prejudices? Was hypocrisy the other face of democra-<br >cy? It was a problem that was to trouble Adamses in every generation.<br >There was another side of the question， of course. Didn t those<br ><br >
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