The Capitalist Manifesto of 1958 is neither a defense of traditional capitalism nor a polemical call to revolution in the style of The Communist Manifesto of 1848. It is a theoretical blueprint of the physical and institutional structure of the western private property, free market system identified by Adam Smith and the classical economists; repudiated by Karl Marx and the socialists,
and pragmatically compromised by J. Maynard Keynes. It presents specific proposals for correcting and perfecting the present system in the line of, and in the light of, its own logic and principles. It invites men and women of good will to set to work on the task of building an economically just and generally affluent society on the foundation of a Capitalism redeemed of its historical flaws.
Louis Kelso's vision of Capitalism was, in Dr. Adler's description, "the economically free and classless society which supports political democracy and which, above all, helps political democracy to preserve the institutions of a free society." To Dr. Adler's mind, this conception was "the most revolutionary idea of the century."
Ten years after his death Louis Kelso is beginning to be recognized as the originator of a genuinely new paradigm in political economics. Although introduced more than forty years ago, its concepts are still virgin terrain because, despite their osmotic influence in the United States, western and eastern Europe, Russia and now China, relatively few people are familiar with them.
Make no mistake, Louis Kelso's ideas are just as controversial today as when he and Dr. Adler introduced them in 1958. The Austrian economist Schumpeter famously defined Capitalism as "creative destruction." That is also the effect of a new paradigm on its parent discipline. Louis Kelso's new paradigm targets, first of all, the conventional premises of economics. But since those premises are also embedded in western political, economic and business institutions, particularly the institutions of finance, Louis Kelso's binary view exposes the fallacies at their heart as well.
In showing the obsolete ideas at the root of key institutions - the institutions that concentrate wealth and frustrate the operating logic of the free market - Louis Kelso changes the terms of the age-old debate between Conservatives and Liberals and Capital and Labor. And in doing that, he moves to new and higher ground the ideological issues that have made western society a battleground ever since the Industrial Revolution. To understand Louis Kelso's binary paradigm is to look at the economic and political world with new eyes, from an exhilarating new perspective. The social implications of this new view are revolutionary in the best sense of that word.
Louis Kelso was fascinated by technology. He began his investigation of the Great Depression with painstaking research on the effects of technological change on occupations, industries and the macro-economy. While still in law school, he published a monograph on how the computer, hardly invented then, would revolutionize the practice of law. He eagerly looked forward to the day when the computer would make instantaneous world-wide communication possible. Unfortunately he died a few years before the Internet could make this a reality for him.
Now as we enter the new century and the new millennium, Louis Kelso's binary economic paradigm is even more important than when first introduced. The demise of the Soviet Union has left the western market economy free to dominate the world on its own terms. Understanding market forces and learning how to exploit them to build stable industrial democracies that are also Good Societies for everyone who lives in them is our most urgent task. Louis Kelso has given us the tools - both conceptual and practical - to accomplish this task. He has also inspired us with his generous vision of the Good Society that advanced technology still promises despite centuries of misunderstanding and misuse.
In gratitude for the life and work of Louis Kelso, and also in honor of his co-author, the late Mortimer J. Adler, whose encouragement and collaboration made these books possible, the Kelso Institute takes great pleasure in electronically publishing both The Capitalist Manifesto and The New Capitalists. In so doing, we fulfill Louis Kelso's dearest wish in life - that his ideas be made accessible to those who will use them to build institutions that advance civilization and support individuals in realizing their highest potential.
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说实话,这本书的阅读体验是酣畅淋漓的,它在文本的张力上做到了极致。作者似乎有一种近乎先知的敏锐,总能在历史的转折点上捕捉到那些稍纵即逝的关键细节,并将其放大,映射到我们当下的处境中。我特别喜欢它处理“进步”与“异化”这两个主题的方式,不是简单地将二者对立,而是展示了它们如何在历史的齿轮中相互缠绕,共同驱动着社会向一个不可逆的方向滑行。阅读这本书,就像是在参与一场高强度的智力辩论,作者步步紧逼,每每在你以为找到一个漏洞时,他已经预设了你的反驳,并提供了更深层次的解释。这种挑战性,极大地提升了阅读的参与感。它不提供廉价的安慰剂,而是提供了一剂强效的清醒剂,让人在后现代的迷雾中,重新找到了辨别方向的指南针,尽管这个方向可能不那么舒适。
评分这本书的问世,无疑为我们这个时代投下了一枚思想的重磅炸弹。它以一种近乎手术刀般精准的剖析,直插现代经济运行的核心肌理,毫不留情地揭示了那些被华丽辞藻包裹下的真实权力结构。阅读过程中,我仿佛被拽入一个高清晰度的纪录片现场,亲眼目睹了资本逻辑如何渗透到社会肌理的每一个细微角落,从宏观的政策制定到微观的个人选择,无不被其强大的引力所塑造。作者的笔触极其老辣,他没有采用那种故作高深的理论说教,而是大量引用了翔实的案例和历史的对照,让复杂的经济现象变得触手可及,却又令人不寒而栗。尤其让我印象深刻的是,书中对“效率”这一被奉为圭臬的现代神祇进行了彻底的祛魅,指出其背后往往隐藏着对人类多样性和情感价值的无情牺牲。这种深刻的反思,迫使读者必须重新审视自己对“成功”和“进步”的传统定义,引发了一场内在的认知地震。它不是一本提供轻松答案的书,而是一把钥匙,打开了通往更深层次社会批判的大门。
评分这是一部充满洞察力的作品,其独特之处在于,它成功地跨越了学科的藩篱,融合了社会学、历史学乃至心理学的视角,构建了一个多维度的分析框架。很多关于财富分配和社会不公的讨论,往往停留在道德谴责的层面,但这本书却更进一步,深入探究了这些现象背后的机制是如何被系统性地设计和维护的。作者的语言风格充满了知识分子的冷静与激情,既有对现状的冷峻批判,又不乏对未来可能性的一种隐晦的期盼。书中对“金融化”进程的梳理尤其精彩,它以一种编年史的方式,清晰地展示了资产如何从实体经济中抽离出来,变成一种自我循环的“幽灵”,这种抽离对真实世界生产力的影响,被描绘得入木三分。对于任何希望理解当代世界运转逻辑而非仅仅停留在表面现象的读者而言,这本书提供的视角是革命性的,它提供的工具,足以让你重新审视你手中的每一张钞票的真正价值。
评分这本书的叙事节奏掌握得堪称教科书级别,它不像某些严肃的学术著作那样让人望而却步,反而具有一种引人入胜的史诗感。作者似乎深谙如何将枯燥的经济学概念,转化为一幕幕充满张力的戏剧冲突。我尤其欣赏其在构建论点时所展现出的那种近乎偏执的严谨性,每一个论断的提出都建立在一系列扎实的证据链条之上,让人难以找到可以反驳的空隙。在阅读的几个关键章节,我甚至需要放下书本,起身踱步,消化其中所揭示的那些令人不安的关联性——比如消费主义的起源如何与早期的工业生产模式紧密耦合,以及这种耦合如何塑造了我们今天对时间和身份的认知。那种知识的冲击感,如同站在悬崖边,视野豁然开朗,但脚下却是万丈深渊的迷茫。它挑战的不是读者的智商,而是读者的信念系统,迫使我们去质疑那些我们习以为常的、被内化为“常识”的规则体系。
评分这本书的力量不在于它提出了一个颠覆性的新理论,而在于它以一种极其清晰和富有逻辑性的方式,将那些我们碎片化地感知到的社会症状——诸如贫富差距的扩大、公共领域的萎缩、个体价值的贬值——重新组织成一个严丝合缝的整体图景。作者的文字具有一种令人信服的权威感,这种权威并非来源于傲慢,而是源自于对海量信息源的驾驭和整合能力。在某些章节,我甚至能感觉到作者在试图抑制某种强烈的愤懑,使得其批判的语言保持在一种高度克制和精确的状态,这反而让批判的力量更具穿透力。它引导我们去思考,在资本逻辑成为唯一的度量衡时,我们作为社会单元的“非量化”价值——比如艺术的沉思、社区的互助、闲暇的意义——将如何被系统性地边缘化和消解。读完后,我发现自己看报纸和新闻的角度都发生了微妙的位移,多了一层对“谁的利益在被最大化”的警惕和追问。
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