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Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli (1469–1527) was an Italian historian, philosopher, humanist, and writer based in Florence during the Renaissance. He is one of the main founders of modern political science.[1] He was a diplomat, political philosopher, playwright, and a civil servant of the Florentine Republic. He also wrote comedies, carnival songs, poetry, and some of the most well-known personal correspondence in the Italian language. His position in the regime of Florence as Secretary to the Second Chancery of the Republic of Florence lasted from 1498 to 1512, a period in which the Medici were not in power. Machiavelli's most well-known writing was, however, after this period, during the time when the Medici recovered power, and Machiavelli was removed from all positions of responsibility
"Discourses on Livy" is the founding document of modern republicanism, and Harvey C. Mansfield and Nathan Tarcov have provided the definitive English translation of this classic work. Faithful to the original Italian text, properly attentive to Machiavelli's idiom and subtlety of thought, it is eminently readable. With a substantial introduction, extensive explanatory notes, a glossary of key words, and an annotated index, the "Discourses" reveals Machiavelli's radical vision of a new science of politics, a vision of "new modes and orders" that continue to shape the modern ethos.
"[Machiavelli] found in Livy the means to inspire scholars for five centuries. Within the "Discourses", often hidden and sometimes unintended by their author, lie the seeds of modern political thought. . . . [Mansfield and Tarcov's] translation is careful and idiomatic".--Peter Stothard, "The Times"
"Translated with painstaking accuracy--but also great readability".-- "Weekly Standard"
"A model of contemporary scholarship and a brave effort at Machiavelli translation that allows the great Florentine to speak in his own voice".-- "Choice"
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我认为马基雅弗利的厉害之处在于：他能让未亲身经历过这些事情的人觉得他说的是如此的理所当然和符合逻辑。同时，这也说明了我们现在这个时代与他们的相似（起码从政治哲学上来说）：人们没有底线，以结果论英雄，卑劣无耻但能达到目的的手段被奉为信条。这样方能解释为何我会...
评分三、 政策论:国家利益至上 马基雅维利与韩非子政治思想的第三个显著相同之点在于:在治理国家的政策选择上，前者认为国家利益高于一切，后者认为，君主利益高于一切。 政治技巧和策略是马基雅维利政治思想的重要组成部分。马基雅维利是坚定的国家至上主义者，他认为，无论是为...
评分在《论李维》中，马基雅维利极端推崇罗马的体制（或者说德行），并且希望在当时的意大利推行这样的体制。（这点在《君主论》中表现得尤为强烈。） 他一反被众多人所接受的观点（当然这点也在《君主论》中更为明显），但是事实上也是更有效的。 “认为谦卑可以战胜傲慢的人，往...
评分毁誉参半的奇书 聂文聪 巴克纳·比·特拉维克说：“人们经常断章取义以证明作者道德沦丧，这种做法对于马基雅维利的整个论题来说有失公平和公正。我们必须承认，他将国家利益提升到了个人利益之上。” 莎士比亚称这本书的作者为“阴险狡诈、口是心非、背信弃义、残暴无情的...
评分当一个文明产生了法家，代表着这个文明已经度过了他繁荣的盛夏，开始出现了收割者。韩非子之于中国，马基雅维利之于意大利，皆是如此。两人的比较历来是学术的热点。比起用心的险恶和腹黑，显然马氏不及韩非一趾，正如最专断的欧洲君主亦不及秦皇汉武一趾。但论及理论深度和思...
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