This book explores the similarities and differences among youth organizations that were connected to Chinese political parties or governments in Shanghai, spanning from the beginning of the May Fourth Movement to World War II. These organizations came into being partly as a result of the new status of youth, who emerged as a distinct segment of society, beginning in the late nineteenth century and gained great prominence in the May Fourth Movement. The Communist, Nationalist, and collaborationist contenders for power all recognized the importance of involving youth in their efforts and frequently struggled to define a mission for the youth organizations that could meet with the
agreement of both Party leadership and the youth themselves. Ultimately, the chaotic political and military atmosphere of 1920s-1940s China made it impossible for any contender for power to come up with a lasting, effective means of recruiting and retaining the loyalty of Chinese youth.
The result of exhaustive archival research, this book will be of huge interest to students and scholars of Chinese history, modern history, Communism and the role of youth in revolution.
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事实上CCP、KMT、JPN这三条路并不相互冲突，比如长者选择了三修
评分事实上CCP、KMT、JPN这三条路并不相互冲突，比如长者选择了三修
评分第三、四章三青团部分。作者指出国民党控制而非动员青年的倾向，对意识形态的无效缺乏认识，酿成了三青团运动的失败（虽然上海分支组建初期表现出极大的战斗热情）。第四章受限于材料展开空间不大有些可惜。启发点在于，因材料局限无法充分展开乃至挖掘更细致的运作，但作者从国、共、汪伪政府三大青年团体的运作与比较入手，仍然是很有见地的角度。
评分第三、四章三青团部分。作者指出国民党控制而非动员青年的倾向，对意识形态的无效缺乏认识，酿成了三青团运动的失败（虽然上海分支组建初期表现出极大的战斗热情）。第四章受限于材料展开空间不大有些可惜。启发点在于，因材料局限无法充分展开乃至挖掘更细致的运作，但作者从国、共、汪伪政府三大青年团体的运作与比较入手，仍然是很有见地的角度。
评分事实上CCP、KMT、JPN这三条路并不相互冲突，比如长者选择了三修
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