Niccolò Machiavelli (born May 3, 1469, Florence-died June 21, 1527, Florence) Italian statesman, historian, and political theorist. He rose to power after the overthrow of Girolamo Savonarola, was appointed secretary and Second Chancellor to the Florentine Republic in 1498. Working as a diplomat for 14 years, he came in contact with the most powerful figures in Europe. He was dismissed when the Medici family returned to power in 1512, and during the next year he was arrested and tortured for conspiracy. Though soon released, he was not permitted to return to public office. His famous treatise The Prince (1513, published 1532) is a handbook for rulers; though dedicated to Lorenzo de' Medici, ruler of Florence from 1513, it failed to win Machiavelli his favour. Machiavelli viewed The Prince as an objective description of political reality. Because he viewed human nature as venal, grasping, and thoroughly self-serving, he suggested that ruthless cunning is appropriate to the conduct of government. Though admired for its incisive brilliance, the book also has been widely condemned as cynical and amoral, and “Machiavellian” has come to mean deceitful, unscrupulous, and manipulative. His other works include a set of discourses on Livy (completed c. 1518), the comedy The Mandrake (completed c. 1518), The Art of War (published 1521), and the Florentine Histories (completed c. 1525).
Rejecting the traditional values of political theory, Machiavelli drew upon his own experiences of office in the turbulent Florentine republic to write his celebrated treatise on statecraft. While Machiavelli was only one of the many Florentine "prophets of force," he differed from the ruling elite in recognizing the complexity and fluidity of political life.
Translated by George Bull
Introduction by Anthony Grafton
马基雅维利的《君主论》是西方现代政治思潮的里程碑。我一直想弄清楚这个现代究竟准确地指向哪里?至少不是我们的教科书中那样信誓旦旦宣称的1949年后,似乎自那之后便全是一片新天地,非现代不可。另一种说法是,生活在1469到1527年间的马基雅维利是近代政治学的鼻祖,这个说...
评分很显然,马基雅维里是一代政治学导师。真实的太真实的,残忍与冷酷只配俯首于权力之下并供之驱使。不要把它们上升为人性之中阴暗一面,在我看来它比加州阳光还更令人心旷神怡。如果个人作为社会整体的一部分,那在各种需要层次被涵盖满足过后,君主就是自我实现的唯一途径。...
评分我前日写了一篇文章([https://www.douban.com/note/741354078/]),简单地对比了刘训练翻译的【君主论】与潘汉典翻译的【君主论】字句的相似处。提出了【刘训练译本是完全以潘译本为底本,参照英文版译本修改字句的潘译本“加工本”,刘训练不应该单独署译者名】这一观点。拙...
评分我前日写了一篇文章([https://www.douban.com/note/741354078/]),简单地对比了刘训练翻译的【君主论】与潘汉典翻译的【君主论】字句的相似处。提出了【刘训练译本是完全以潘译本为底本,参照英文版译本修改字句的潘译本“加工本”,刘训练不应该单独署译者名】这一观点。拙...
评分我之前转发潘汉典先生悼文时随口提到商务印书馆出版的潘译本【君主论】因编辑与校对的失责存在不少错误,很多朋友嘱我将错误具体列出来。可惜我不住在中国,短期内很难拿到实体本,而原来友人送的自存本早已在迁居时遗失。目前我可以找到的版本,是网络流传的PDF,既无从得知是...
得再看几遍
评分可以视作手段服务目的的典型,在实际历史上却也不乏并不遵照马基雅维利这些规则的君主胜利或者持续了统治,比如美第奇家族。如果说他有一些大心的话,那可能是认为如此取得权力是在没有统一、派别过于散乱又有外敌入侵的最好方式,是达到一个共和国前手法伪善的必要过渡,但这层意思很隐含。从非实际角度来讲,它的方法建立于不先设任何对“美德”的理解并以此执行,而是按众民的弱点来设立规则、趋向力量与见风使舵。缺点显而易见,人不再跟随直觉的善而是目的的达成,但若这是为了可以达到共和国的发展阶段作出的牺牲,从历史时间的角度,人也只能客观看待。
评分想着中国历史就很能理解这本书了
评分得再看几遍
评分想着中国历史就很能理解这本书了
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