Niccolò Machiavelli (born May 3, 1469, Florence-died June 21, 1527, Florence) Italian statesman, historian, and political theorist. He rose to power after the overthrow of Girolamo Savonarola, was appointed secretary and Second Chancellor to the Florentine Republic in 1498. Working as a diplomat for 14 years, he came in contact with the most powerful figures in Europe. He was dismissed when the Medici family returned to power in 1512, and during the next year he was arrested and tortured for conspiracy. Though soon released, he was not permitted to return to public office. His famous treatise The Prince (1513, published 1532) is a handbook for rulers; though dedicated to Lorenzo de' Medici, ruler of Florence from 1513, it failed to win Machiavelli his favour. Machiavelli viewed The Prince as an objective description of political reality. Because he viewed human nature as venal, grasping, and thoroughly self-serving, he suggested that ruthless cunning is appropriate to the conduct of government. Though admired for its incisive brilliance, the book also has been widely condemned as cynical and amoral, and “Machiavellian” has come to mean deceitful, unscrupulous, and manipulative. His other works include a set of discourses on Livy (completed c. 1518), the comedy The Mandrake (completed c. 1518), The Art of War (published 1521), and the Florentine Histories (completed c. 1525).
Rejecting the traditional values of political theory, Machiavelli drew upon his own experiences of office in the turbulent Florentine republic to write his celebrated treatise on statecraft. While Machiavelli was only one of the many Florentine "prophets of force," he differed from the ruling elite in recognizing the complexity and fluidity of political life.
Translated by George Bull
Introduction by Anthony Grafton
中国的革命,大多是自下而上的,于是需要《论语》,需要论语河蟹下里巴人们的思想 而《君主论》,则是写给想要变革的上位者看的,告诉他们怎么让下面的人听话 本质来说,都是同一本书,同一个思想,只不过是对象不一样,所以看上去有些不同 但是,基本上,两本可以对照来看,很...
評分按常见的说法,《君主论》是现代政治科学的起源,其核心标志是它在思考政治问题时脱离了伦理学的考虑,进行一种中立的技术分析。也有人认为《君主论》是一本授恶之书,它为了实现民族解放这一似乎带有正面价值的目标而选择不择手段,从而,它为了拯救自己的祖国而放弃了拯救自...
評分首先,让我们先确立一个方向:这本书是谁写给谁看的。 这本书是一个知识分子在观察历史与意大利诸侯割据的现状下“以平原的目光来观察山峰”的角度写给身居高位的君主看的。 明确了这个方向,就要确定一些范围 时代范围——处于什么样的一个历史时期,作者...
評分马基雅维利的《君主论》是西方现代政治思潮的里程碑。我一直想弄清楚这个现代究竟准确地指向哪里?至少不是我们的教科书中那样信誓旦旦宣称的1949年后,似乎自那之后便全是一片新天地,非现代不可。另一种说法是,生活在1469到1527年间的马基雅维利是近代政治学的鼻祖,这个说...
評分按常见的说法,《君主论》是现代政治科学的起源,其核心标志是它在思考政治问题时脱离了伦理学的考虑,进行一种中立的技术分析。也有人认为《君主论》是一本授恶之书,它为了实现民族解放这一似乎带有正面价值的目标而选择不择手段,从而,它为了拯救自己的祖国而放弃了拯救自...
馬基雅維裏的<君主論>. 其實他寫得很坦率的, 不像後來一些所謂的"馬基雅維裏主義者"那麼虛僞,冷漠.
评分Some points are still not outdated to this day. Suggestions on internal affairs mostly consisted of maintaining the prince’s public images, while going in detail about wartime governance. At least he doesn’t encourage confiscating people’s property, even 16th century western political thought is more humanitarian than 中國◯◯黨。
评分買這種書,有瞭introduction真是易懂
评分我贊成這本書90%的觀點⋯
评分相當於15世紀的《獨裁者手冊》
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