Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy

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出版者:Cambridge University Press
作者:Daron Acemoglu
出品人:
页数:434
译者:
出版时间:2005-12-19
价格:USD 66.00
装帧:Hardcover
isbn号码:9780521855266
丛书系列:
图书标签:
  • 政治经济学
  • 经济学
  • economics
  • 政治学
  • Acemoglu
  • 政治
  • 社会学
  • politics
  • 政治经济学
  • 专制与民主
  • 制度起源
  • 历史政治学
  • 国家理论
  • 权力结构
  • 经济基础
  • 社会阶级
  • 制度变迁
  • 发展路径
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具体描述

What forces lead to democracy's creation? Why does it sometimes consolidate only to collapse at other times? Written by two of the foremost authorities on this subject in the world, this volume develops a framework for analyzing the creation and consolidation of democracy. It revolutionizes scholarship on the factors underlying government and popular movements toward democracy or dictatorship. Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson argue that different social groups prefer different political institutions because of the way they allocate political power and resources. Their book, the subject of a four-day seminar at Harvard's Center for Basic Research in the Social Sciences, was also the basis for the Walras-Bowley lecture at the joint meetings of the European Economic Association and Econometric Society in 2003 and is the winner of the John Bates Clark Medal.

作者简介

Daron Acemoglu is Charles P. Kindleberger Professor of Applied Economics at The Massachusetts Institute of Technology and a member of the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research's Program on Institutions, Organizations, and Growth. He received the 2005 John Bates Clark Medal awarded by the American Economic Association to the best economist working in the United States under age 40. He is the author of the textbook Introduction to Modern Economic Growth and coeditor of Econometrica and NBER Macroannual.

James A. Robinson is Professor of Government at Harvard University. He is a Faculty Associate at the Institute for Quantitative Social Science and the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs and is a member of the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research's Program on Institutions, Organizations, and Growth. He is coeditor with Jared Diamond of Natural Experiments in History (2009).

目录信息

Part I. Questions and Answers;
Section 1. Paths of Political Development: 1. Britain; 2. Argentina; 3. Singapore; 4. South Africa, 5. The agenda;
Section 2. Our Argument: 1. Democracy vs. nondemocracy; 2. Building blocks of our approach; 3. Towards our basic story; 4. Our theory of democratization; 5. Democratic consolidation; 6. Determinants of democracy; 7. Political identities and the nature of conflict; 8. Democracy in a picture; 9. Overview of the book;
Section 3. What Do We Know About Democracy?: 1. Measuring democracy; 2. Patterns of democracy; 3. Democracy, inequality and redistribution; 4. Crises and democracy; 5. Social unrest and democratization; 6. The literature; 7. Our contribution;
Part II. Modelling Politics;
Section 4. Democratic Politics: 1. Introduction; 2. Aggregating individual preferences; 3. Single-peaked preferences and the median voter theorem; 4. Our workhorse models; 5. Democracy and political equality; 6. Conclusion;
Section 5. Nondemocratic Politics: 1. Introduction; 2. Power and constraints in nondemocratic politics; 3. Modeling preferences and constraints in nondemocracies; 4. Commitment problems; 5. A simple game of promises; 6. A dynamic model; 7. Incentive compatible promises; 8. Conclusion;
Part III. The Creation and Consolidation of Democracy;
Section 6. Democratization: 1. Introduction; 2. The role of political institutions; 3. Preferences over political institutions; 4. Political power and institutions; 5. A 'static' model of democratization; 6. Democratization or repression?; 7. A dynamic model of democratization; 8. Subgame perfect equilibria; 9. Alternative political identities; 10. Targeted transfers; 11. Power of the elite in democracy; 12. Ideological preferences over regimes; 13. Democratization in pictures; 14. Equilibrium revolutions; 15. Conclusion;
Section 7. Coups and Consolidation: 1. Introduction; 2. Incentives for coups; 3. A static model of coups; 4. A dynamic model of the creation and consolidation of democracy; 5. Alternative political identities; 6. Targeted transfers; 7. Power in democracy and coups; 8. Consolidation in a picture; 9. Defensive coups; 10. Conclusion;
Part IV. Putting the Models to Work;
Section 8. The Role of the Middle Class: 1. Introduction; 2. The three-class model; 3. Emergence of partial democracy; 4. From partial to full democracy; 5. Repression: the middle class as a buffer; 6. Repression: soft-liners vs. hard-liners; 7. The role of the middle class in consolidating democracy; 8. Conclusion;
Section 9. Economic Structure and Democracy: 1. Introduction; 2. Economic structure and income distribution; 3. Political conflict; 4. Capital, land and the transition to democracy; 5. Financial integration; 6. Increased political integration; 7. Alternative assumptions about the nature of international trade. 8. Conclusion; Part V. Conclusion and The Future of Democracy;
Section 10. Conclusion and the Future of Democracy: 1. Paths of political development revisited; 2. Extension and areas for future research; 3. The future of democracy;
Part VI. Appendix;
Section 11. Appendix to Section 4: The Distribution of Power in Democracy: 1. Introduction; 2. Probabilistic voting models; 3. Lobbying; 4. Partisan politics and political capture.
· · · · · · (收起)

读后感

评分

说是评论,其实完全没有必要,因为本书的内容是如此的完整和清晰以至于任何说明乃至于困惑的评论都没有空间,作者充分贯彻了研究的铁律【说光所有的故事,让其他人说个球】。 我想对经济学或政治经济学不太熟悉的尤其是政治学社会学的童鞋看到书名应该首先会呵呵,变量太多不好...  

评分

他们的argument是这样的: 非民主制度有利于精英的经济利益分配,民主制度有利于大众的经济利益分配。 是否民主取决于精英和大众的政治力量。 政治力量分两种:事实上的和法理上的。 事实政治力量是短暂集结的,过期就会消失,但事实力量能帮助精英或大众夺权,体现在政变和民...  

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作者用高度抽象的博弈模型来分析民主与经济的关系,优点是逻辑关系清晰,缺点是对于具体事件,还要具体研究。 一、民主是对未来权力分配的可信承若。 民众人数较多,当组织起来争取权力时,能暂时掌握事实政治权力(实力),并要求得到法定政治权力参与政治。权贵就会在镇压成...  

评分

说是评论,其实完全没有必要,因为本书的内容是如此的完整和清晰以至于任何说明乃至于困惑的评论都没有空间,作者充分贯彻了研究的铁律【说光所有的故事,让其他人说个球】。 我想对经济学或政治经济学不太熟悉的尤其是政治学社会学的童鞋看到书名应该首先会呵呵,变量太多不好...  

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民主出现的可能性—由权贵和民众间的博弈成本决定的。 本质上是一种对未来权力分配的可信承诺。 民主—制度—民众拥有的政治权利达到高峰,权贵的政策让步又不可信的情况下出现。 影响民主化和民主化巩固的重要因素—经济不平等,权贵的收入来源,全球化 核心观点:民主是一种...

用户评价

评分

Acemoglu 实在是太厉害了!!我非常佩服他

评分

阿西莫格鲁的贡献不小,起码在对民主的定义上,他就破除了对亨廷顿的迷信,找回了熊彼特。接着把民主的经济根源纳入到超越策略或结构二分的博弈论框架,对民主化和民主巩固做国别对比探究。英国、阿根廷、新加坡和南非选的极有代表性,虽然是一部致敬巴林顿 摩尔的作品,但也在某种程度上“光复”了马克思主义的经济分析,虽然马克思在《批判序言》里说历史动力到市民社会中去找。不过他的分析架构到底是奥卡姆剃刀式的简单化的,最后还是一种“深刻的片面”。

评分

牛逼。

评分

阿西莫格鲁的贡献不小,起码在对民主的定义上,他就破除了对亨廷顿的迷信,找回了熊彼特。接着把民主的经济根源纳入到超越策略或结构二分的博弈论框架,对民主化和民主巩固做国别对比探究。英国、阿根廷、新加坡和南非选的极有代表性,虽然是一部致敬巴林顿 摩尔的作品,但也在某种程度上“光复”了马克思主义的经济分析,虽然马克思在《批判序言》里说历史动力到市民社会中去找。不过他的分析架构到底是奥卡姆剃刀式的简单化的,最后还是一种“深刻的片面”。

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可以从nondemocracy这章开始看,因为democracy那一章都是中间选民和唐斯模型。acemoglu一直都是开始的想法很简单,但是总能从最简洁的模型中勾勒出一般性的模型来解释非常复杂的问题。这样做的缺陷也是非常明显的,尤其在涉足政治历史话题的时候,所以political science的人当然对他不买账。革命的群体可能并不能一般化为穷人,民主的收益与结果可能也取决于各国的历史文化政治遗产。但这也是对political science规范化的一种尝试。

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