John Hsieh is currently Professor at the Department of Political Science, University of South Carolina. He has been active in scholarly activities, serving as secretary-general of the Chinese Association of Political Science (Taipei), chairman of the Comparative Representation and Electoral Systems Research Committee in the International Political Science Association, and coordinator of the Conference Group on Taiwan Studies, a related group in the American Political Science Association.

His teaching and research interests include rational choice theory, constitutional choice, electoral systems, electoral behavior, political parties, democratization, foreign policy, and East Asian politics. He is the author or co-author of A Comparative Study of Referendums [in Chinese], Party-List Proportional Representation [in Chinese], Popular Will, Checks and Balances, and Efficiency: On the Values of Democracy [in Chinese], and On the Participation of Interest Groups in the Political Process [in Chinese]. He is also the co-editor of The Scope and Methods of Political Science [in Chinese] and How Asia Votes (Chatham House, 2002). His English works appeared as chapters in many books and in such journals as International Political Science Review, Electoral Studies, Party Politics, Public Choice, Representation, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, China Quarterly, Journal of Contemporary China, Journal of Asian and African Studies, American Asian Review, Issues & Studies, and Chinese Political Science Review.

The debate over the compatibility of Confucian culture with democracy is an ongoing one. Yet, few books in the existing literature have dealt specifically with the relationship between Confucian culture (as opposed to Confucianism or general cultural factors) and democracy. Prior to the end of the Second World War, no Confucian society was democratic, so the debate could only be done in an abstract sense. Only after the war did Japan emerge as a democratic country, and it is not a perfect case of the Confucian culture — for one, its Confucian legacy is diluted; moreover, its postwar transition to democracy was, to a large extent, externally imposed rather than internally generated. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, South Korea and Taiwan joined what Samuel P Huntington termed the “third wave of democratization”. Finally, at least two societies with strong Confucian heritage turned democratic, and unlike Japan, their democratic transition resulted mainly from internal political dynamics.

Confucian Culture and Democracy represents a comprehensive effort to examine the linkages between Confucian culture and democracy. Building on the empirical evidence from South Korea and Taiwan, and examining semi-democratic societies with extensive experiences in electoral politics like Singapore and Hong Kong, this book provides readers with an empirical and detailed coverage of democratization and democratic governance in various Confucian societies. Japan — as a country influenced by Confucianism, is also analyzed, together with China — whether China joins the family of democratic states is undoubtedly an important concern for many in the region and beyond.