The governance of natural resources used by many individuals in common is an issue of increasing concern to policy analysts. Both state control and privatisation of resources have been advocated, but neither the state nor the market have been uniformly successful in solving common pool resource problems. Offering a critique of the foundations of policy analysis as applied to natural resources, Elinor Ostrom here provides a unique body of empirical data to explore conditions under which common pool resource problems have been satisfactorily or unsatisfactorily solved. Dr Ostrom first describes three models most frequently used as the foundation for recommending state or market solutions. She then outlines theoretical and empirical alternatives to these models in order to illustrate the diversity of possible solutions. In the following chapters she uses institutional analysis to examine different ways - both successful and unsuccessful - of governing the commons. In contrast to the proposition of the tragedy of the commons argument, common pool problems sometimes are solved by voluntary organisations rather than by a coercive state. Among the cases considered are communal tenure in meadows and forests, irrigation communities and other water rights, and fisheries.
Elinor Ostrom (née Awan; born August 7, 1933) is an American political economist.[2] She was awarded the 2009 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences, which she shared with Oliver E. Williamson, for "her analysis of economic governance, especially the commons."[3] She was the first, and to date, the only woman to win the prize in this category. Her work is associated with the new institutional economics and the resurgence of political economy.[4]
Ostrom lives in Bloomington, IN, and is on the faculty of both Indiana University and Arizona State University. She holds a Distinguished Professor at Indiana University and is the Arthur F. Bentley Professor of Political Science and Co-Director of the Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis at Indiana University in Bloomington, as well as Research Professor and the Founding Director of the Center for the Study of Institutional Diversity at Arizona State University in Tempe. Ostrom also serves as a lead researcher for the Sustainable Agriculture and Natural Resource Management Collaborative Research Support Program (SANREM CRSP), managed by Virginia Tech and funded by USAID.[5]
正如上贴所言,为何无人识,确实非常奇怪的,国内学者好像很少引用这本书,研究新制度经济学的,对这本书好像推荐不多?自己还是上西方财政学时,老师在讲公共品时,对这本书有初步的介绍。作者研究的是社区合作,而这不在政府与市场之内,也许这就是被经济学家们忽略的...
评分经济学解决“公地悲剧”的第三条道路 经济学将自己的理论建立在“理性人”的基础上,也就是说个人的私利,通过市场这个“看不见的手”,能够导致公利的产生。从亚当·斯密到曼德维尔,然后经过20世纪的哈耶克和弗里德曼等人的完善,让自私成为了一种美德。 自由市场经济理论的...
评分《公共事物的治理之道》✋ 来个记录:刚开始读这本书有点困难,翻译蹩脚,看到中间才渐入佳境。这位女士精彩地通过案例分析(选了些小范围的公共池塘资源)建构出整个制度变迁的框架,了解公共池塘资源的哪些内外部变量起了促进作用或阻碍作用。书中介绍了三个传统分析公共物...
评分经济学解决“公地悲剧”的第三条道路 经济学将自己的理论建立在“理性人”的基础上,也就是说个人的私利,通过市场这个“看不见的手”,能够导致公利的产生。从亚当·斯密到曼德维尔,然后经过20世纪的哈耶克和弗里德曼等人的完善,让自私成为了一种美德。 自由市场经济理论的...
评分首先承认这个标题确实有“姨学”的感觉,因为刘数卷阿姨经常把这句话挂在嘴边(无非就是指他们远邪党是中国未来的种子云云)。但是这句诗文本来就不是他的专利,他能用,我也能用。 这本书着实令我喜出望外------对山泽林薮这样的重要资源,到底是应该由国家进行管控还是应该由...
诺贝尔奖获得者的著作还是很值得一读,模型概念论述加案例分析详实且有创新,标杆啊
评分"前代理论假定博弈结构的外在限制恒定,国家市场等机制皆有过分简化的定义,故解决方法不是外来权力就是产权安排,奥女士则着重考察小型社区情境中个人如何在互动中设定和改变博弈规则、分配公用资源,提出社区产权的第三条路。" 引自熊猫。只读了第一三六章的Chris
评分"前代理论假定博弈结构的外在限制恒定,国家市场等机制皆有过分简化的定义,故解决方法不是外来权力就是产权安排,奥女士则着重考察小型社区情境中个人如何在互动中设定和改变博弈规则、分配公用资源,提出社区产权的第三条路。" 引自熊猫。只读了第一三六章的Chris
评分4星。当年轰动一时,而且让作者得了诺贝尔经济学奖。但是仔细想想有一些过誉。作者真正的贡献在于提出解决CPR问题不能只靠国家或者市场,因为二者(尤其是前者)可能会缺乏地方信息。但这一点实际上哈耶克很早就讲了(大约作者写这书50年前),所以不是很清楚这本书真正的贡献在什么地方。作者提出的8条解决CPR的建议都需要严格的论证和实证检验,而这些是这本书没有提供的。作者的分析方法主要是比较案例,但是没有回答为什么要关心这些案例?以90年代的标准看,这本书依然是上乘之作,但是放在今天,阅读的收获会比较小。最重要的是,为什么自治组织不能产生特殊利益?这是我在美国最常见的一种问题,所以我觉得Olson还是更高一筹。
评分还要看其它书,只能匆匆一阅。奥女士的思路同前辈名家截然不同:奥尔森、哈丁醉心于提出简洁的、解释力涵盖各种组织和情境的模型,奥女士反对如此过分简化的做法,提倡找出具体情境中影响公用品制度和决策的变量,再以机制加以串联,成为分析框架,用以分析不同的个案积聚成理论;奥尔森、萨缪尔森将公共品和私人物品截然分开,奥女士则指出公用资源在个人攫取机制上形同私人物品,在提供和维持机制上又近似于公共品,两个冲突的机制在不同的策略互动中碰撞,这一进路解决了奥尔森留下的“选择性激励”到底如何界定的问题;前代理论假定博弈结构的外在限制恒定,国家市场等机制皆有过分简化的定义,故解决方法不是外来权力就是产权安排,奥女士则着重考察小型社区情境中个人如何在互动中设定和改变博弈规则、分配公用资源,提出社区产权的第三条路。
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