The gift 在线电子书 图书标签: anthropology Mauss Gift 社会学/人类学 原版 classic Society 莫斯
发表于2024-12-23
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人类学经典名著,专业必读
评分非常有意思,虽然是armchair的典型,但Mauss能用gift exchange解释整个社会结构乃至哲学意义上社会的产生与发展真是有够强的
评分看到结尾又一番对人类美好未来的憧憬,可惜这1967年到现在都过去40多年了,人类的境况并不因莫斯你的分析和呼唤而有丝毫变好,反而越来越糟了。这不免让我产生对学术效力的再次怀疑。。莫斯你泉下也别伤心了。
评分看到结尾又一番对人类美好未来的憧憬,可惜这1967年到现在都过去40多年了,人类的境况并不因莫斯你的分析和呼唤而有丝毫变好,反而越来越糟了。这不免让我产生对学术效力的再次怀疑。。莫斯你泉下也别伤心了。
评分之前读过波兰尼的大转型和希克斯的经济史理论后,觉得Mauss的结论并没有什么出人意料的. 对经济学市场起源的批评,认为礼物的交换才是原始社会的基本形态。礼物流动代表着这个社会运行的机制。它所附着的honor, obligation, and religious allusion是区别于现代社会的重要特征。
Mauss was born in Epinal to a Jewish family, and studied philosophy at Bordeaux, where Émile Durkheim was teaching at the time and agregated in 1893. Instead of taking the usual route of teaching at a lycée, however, Mauss moved to Paris and took up the study of comparative religion and the Sanskrit language. His first publication in 1896 marked the beginning of a prolific career that would produce several landmarks in the sociological literature.
Like many members of Année Sociologique Mauss was attracted to socialism, particularly that espoused by Jean Jaurès. He was particularly active in the events of the Dreyfus affair and towards the end of the century he helped edit such left-wing papers as le Populaire, l'Humanité and le Mouvement Socialiste, the last in collaboration with Georges Sorel.
Mauss took up a chair in the 'history of religion and uncivilized peoples' at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes in 1901. It was at this time that he began drawing more and more on ethnography, and his work began increasingly to look like what we would today call anthropology.
The years of World War I were absolutely devastating for Mauss. Many of his friends and colleagues died in the war, and Durkheim died shortly before its end. The postwar years were also difficult politically for Mauss. Durkheim had made changes to school curriculums across France, and after his death a backlash against his students began. Like many other followers of Durkheim, Mauss took refuge in administration, securing Durkheim's legacy by founding institutions such as l'Institut Français de Sociologie (1924) and l'Institut d'Ethnologie in 1926. In 1931 he took up the chair of Sociology at the Collège de France. He actively fought against anti-semitism and racial politics both before and after World War II. He died in 1950.
In this classic work, Mauss argued that gifts are never "free". Rather, human history is full of examples that gifts give rise to reciprocal exchange. The famous question that drove his inquiry into the anthropology of the gift was: "What power resides in the object given that causes its recipient to pay it back?" (1990:3). The answer is simple: the gift is a "total prestation", imbued with "spiritual mechanisms", engaging the honour of both giver and receiver (the term "total prestation" or "total social fact" (fait social total) was coined by his student Maurice Leenhardt after Durkheim's social fact). Such transactions transcend the divisions between the spiritual and the material in a way that according to Mauss is almost "magical". The giver does not merely give an object but also part of himself, for the object is indissolubly tied to the giver: "the objects are never completely separated from the men who exchange them" (1990:31). Because of this bond between giver and gift, the act of giving creates a social bond with an obligation to reciprocate on part of the recipient. To not reciprocate means to lose honour and status, but the spiritual implications can be even worse: in Polynesia, failure to reciprocate means to lose mana, one's spiritual source of authority and wealth. Mauss distinguished between three obligations: giving - the necessary initial step for the creation and maintenance of social relationships; receiving, for to refuse to receive is to reject the social bond; and reciprocating in order to demonstrate one's own liberality, honour and wealth.
An important notion in Mauss' conceptualisation of gift exchange is what Gregory (1982, 1997) refers to as "inalienability". In a commodity economy there is a strong distinction between objects and persons through the notion of private property. Objects are sold, meaning that the ownership rights are fully transferred to the new owner. The object has thereby become "alienated" from its original owner. In a gift economy, however, the objects that are given are inalienated from the givers; they are "loaned rather than sold and ceded". It is the fact that the identity of the giver is invariably bound up with the object given that causes the gift to have a power which compels the recipient to reciprocate. Because gifts are inalienable they must be returned; the act of giving creates a gift-debt that has to be repaid. Gift exchange therefore leads to a mutual interdependence between giver and receiver. According to Mauss, the "free" gift that is not returned is a contradiction because it cannot create social ties. Following the Durkheimian quest for understanding social cohesion through the concept of solidarity, Mauss's argument is that solidarity is achieved through the social bonds created by gift exchange.
原文载于:《社会学研究》2006 年 4 期 拉德克利夫- 布朗(布朗) 1906 年开始在安达曼岛人当中从事人类学调查,16 年后(1922 年) ,发表了其一生惟一的民族志作品《安达曼岛人》。遵照当时的民族志体例,布朗分门别类,从社会组织、仪式习俗、宗教与巫术、神话传说等方面,呈现了一个...
评分在前不久的一次考试中,我引用了莫斯在《礼物》中所引导出的交换价值来解释当下的一些关于送礼的社会问题,中国传统语境下的礼物所具有的价值基础其实脱离不出莫斯在礼物中所概括的关于礼物的几个社会功能。毕竟莫斯在写作该论文时对中国传统社会下的礼物也曾做过调查,正如作...
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