"The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism" (original Free Press edition 1951) is one of a number of works by the German sociologist Max Weber (1864-1920) published in English translation only long after his death, during a post-World-War II boom in Anglo-American interest in his writing. Such interest has recurred at irregular intervals since (one marked by this 1968 paperback reprinting), and Weber's major works, including technical and methodological studies, apparently have all been translated. Initially familiar to readers of English only for his theories on the relation between the Protestant (mainly Calvinist) world-view and the capitalist "rationalization" of economic life ("The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism"), Weber gradually has been revealed as an explorer of the nature of human societies in many times and places.
Sinologists have given his studies of China (here and in a few essays published elsewhere) a somewhat mixed reception. On the one hand, it was an important example of China being taken seriously as major civilization, illustrating basic trends in human social behavior, instead of an exotic footnote ("Oriental Despotism," "The Oriental Mode of Production"). A product of Bismarck's Germany, Weber was acutely aware of the effects of bureaucracy, centralization of authority, and economic rationalization on traditional societies, and used China as a test case for his general theories. The religious responses to China's social and political order are a main, but not the only focus, and his treatment of both Confucianism and (mainly philosophical) Taoism as embodying genuine religious experiences was then unusual. Weber's mastery of the available translations and secondary literature is often mentioned as amounting to nearly a professional command of the field.
On the other hand, Weber *was* unable to consult the primary sources directly. He was acutely aware that much of his information came from missionaries with ideological biases; according to some, however, he often chose the *wrong* missionary to believe. He seriously underestimated the antiquity of some developments in Chinese government. His examples are sometimes wrong, sometimes not especially pertinent; and better ones are missing because he had no access to them. He accepted the view of Confucius as a sort of learned academic with an interest in ethical government (popular among some modern Chinese as well as westerners), without seeming to notice that he has often been regarded as a supernatural figure, a prophet, or, in Weber's own terms, a "charismatic" leader. And the study of Buddhism in China was in its infancy, and its transformative impacts on Confucian and Taoist thought and practice only beginning to be grasped. The study of the very complex history of Taoism *as a religion* is also mostly a more recent development.
Bearing these limits in mind, Weber's study remains fascinating. His suggested interpretations of Chinese society have set the terms for much research attempting to confirm or refute his ideas. He was sometimes wrong about both absolute and relative datings, but he recognized many important trends, and successfully framed them in larger contexts.
As very much an amateur in Chinese studies (with greater limits than Weber, and not nearly as industrious, but able to benefit from modern scholarship), I have long found the book illuminating; I just try to check it against recent studies. For those who are familiar with Weber only for "The Protestant Ethic" (and the attendant controversy), this volume, and its companions on "Ancient Judaism" and "The Religions of India," may come as a considerable surprise.
Those interested in the sociology of Chinese religion (rather than beliefs and practices) will want to take a look at a book by C.K. Yang, the author of the Introduction to this translation. Yang's "Religion in Chinese Society: A Study of Contemporary Social Functions of Religion and Some of Their Historical Factors" (originally University of California Press, 1961) provides information on Chinese religion in relation to government policies, and community and family structures, with documentation for specific regions. I consider it a complement, not a substitute, for Weber, because several chapters are probably too statistical to make it attractive to many readers. Yang also assumes familiarity with a body of professional sociological thought that Weber was still establishing. Of course, it too is beginning to show its age.
韦伯是睿智深刻的。可惜这个版本翻译不太好,本应在流畅自然的语言中大放异彩的真知灼见,被生硬、枯燥、逻辑性差的翻译消减了光芒。有些词语恐怕翻译得不够准确(贯穿全书始终的“帝国”翻译成“国家”可能更合适,“氏族”翻译成“家族”可能更合适),很多语句逻辑很不符合...
评分村落系统、宗族、人才选拔、古代卡里斯玛型文化。 自从萨伊德先生的《东方学》问世以来,作为,或仍将在很长的时间内被视作“后进国家”而存在的东方各民族,都在不同程度上开始警惕西方人的研究著作中所隐藏的“权力话语”、“后殖民要素”之类的陷阱。但是,自严复先生以来...
评分韦伯的这本书系统庞杂。如果不去细细的梳理,于我而言印象最深的有三点。 一是杨庆堃在导论里面总结的。 韦伯选择用卡尔文主义作为新教教义的范例。 卡尔文写到,上帝是如此令人敬畏地高高在上,他乃是超乎所有人类所能祈求与理解的。在此上帝面前,人类孤零零地站着。 这种人...
评分不甚了了之处有之。马可斯韦伯在解读时好用比喻,这种比喻的结果对与韦伯相同背景的人,自然加深了理解,但苦了我们这些中国人,本来熟悉的东西,等着再出现一个“深刻”的剖析,却发现被引向了不甚明白的“别处”。 在可以理解的譬喻之处,还是惊叹他的深刻。他说中国历史上几...
评分马克斯•韦伯眼中的传统中国——《中国的宗教:儒教与道教》读书笔记 这么长,估计也是没有人会看的,发上了只是怕那一天,笔记本丢了,电脑硬盘坏了,找不找笔记怎么办???哈哈……为了整理这篇笔记,我到现在还没吃饭呢,8400多字,不得不承认,马克斯•韦伯是个...
这本书的观点阐述极具穿透力,它不仅仅是对既有知识的简单复述和总结,更是一种富有洞察力的再诠释。作者似乎并不满足于停留在表面现象的描述,而是执着于挖掘事物背后的深层驱动力。在分析社会结构与信仰体系之间的相互作用时,他的论证逻辑严密得像一座精密的钟表,每一个齿轮的咬合都清晰可见,环环相扣,令人信服。我尤其注意到,作者对于“变迁”和“连续性”这两个核心议题的处理非常精妙。他没有将历史简单地视为线性的进步或衰退,而是展现了一种动态的、螺旋上升的复杂图景,指出哪些元素在漫长的时间洪流中得以坚守,而哪些又在新的时代背景下被赋予了全新的意义。这种辩证的思维方式,使得我对该领域有了更为立体和深刻的认识,它挑战了许多我原先习以为常的简单化理解。
评分从图书馆借阅的这本来看,它的注释系统简直是教科书级别的典范。每当作者引用某个关键文献或者提出一个需要背景支持的论点时,脚注都会及时、详尽地出现,提供了原始出处和必要的背景说明。这些注释本身就构成了一部微型的研究指南,如果你对某个特定的论点产生了更强烈的求知欲,可以轻松地通过脚注追溯到更深入的源头资料。我花了不少时间在那些密集的参考书目上流连忘返,从中发现了不少我此前完全未曾耳闻的重要学者和一手史料。这种对学术规范的尊重和对读者求知欲的充分预留,是真正优秀的研究著作所必备的品质。它给予读者的不仅是结论,更是一整套可以自我拓展和深入研究的方法论工具箱,让人感受到作者的用心良苦与学术良知。
评分阅读体验上,这本书的叙事节奏处理得相当巧妙。它不像某些学术著作那样,一上来就抛出大量晦涩难懂的概念,而是选择了一种循序渐进的方式展开论述。开篇部分,作者似乎花了大量的篇幅来铺垫宏观的历史背景,确保即便是对特定领域了解不深的读者,也能迅速建立起理解的框架。随着章节的深入,论证的密度逐渐增加,但作者总能及时地穿插一些生动的历史小故事或者经典案例分析,用以佐证其核心观点,极大地缓解了阅读疲劳。我特别欣赏作者在处理复杂概念时所展现出的那种“化繁为简”的能力,他并没有牺牲准确性,而是通过精妙的类比和清晰的逻辑链条,将那些原本看似遥不可及的古老智慧,变得清晰可触。这本书的行文流畅自然,读起来有一种沉浸式的代入感,让人不由自主地想要一口气读完,去探究下一个章节将揭示怎样的奥秘。
评分这本书的价值,很大程度上在于它提供了一种审视现代性问题的独特视角。虽然内容聚焦于古代文明,但作者在最后几章中进行的宏观总结和对比分析,却出人意料地与当代社会思潮产生了强烈的共鸣。通过理解古人在面对社会剧变、道德重塑时的思考路径和制度构建,我们得以反观自身时代所面临的困境与选择。这种跨越时空的对话感,让阅读过程充满了智性的愉悦。它不是一本枯燥的史书,而更像是一面棱镜,折射出人类文明在不同阶段对于秩序、和谐、个人与集体关系等永恒命题的探索与挣扎。读完后,我感觉自己的知识结构得到了一次系统的梳理和提升,思维的边界也被拓宽了不少,它成功地将一个看似遥远的古代议题,转化为了对当下生活具有深刻启示意义的哲学思考。
评分这本书的装帧设计非常引人注目,封面采用了古典的墨绿色调,配以烫金的纹饰,散发着一种沉静而深邃的历史感。内页的纸张质地也十分考究,触感温润,印刷清晰,即便是大段的引文都能保证阅读的舒适性。初次翻阅时,我立刻被其严谨的学术态度所折服。作者似乎将自己完全沉浸在了对古代文本的解读之中,文字的每一个选择都充满了审慎和尊重。尤其是在探讨早期哲学思想的演变脉络时,那种抽丝剥茧般的分析手法,让人仿佛跟随作者的笔触,亲身走入了那个思想激荡的时代,去感受那些先贤们是如何在混沌中摸索出秩序与伦理的基石。这种对细节的极致追求,使得整本书读起来充满了厚重感,绝非市面上那些浮于表面的文化速读读物可比拟。它更像是一份精心绘制的古代文明地图,每一个标注都经过了反复的考证和核实,为读者构建了一个扎实可靠的研究起点。
评分第一部分可能比后面儒家道家部分更重要,它显示出韦伯思考宗教问题的社会基础:东方社会从神魅向传统转型到何种阶段(尤其封建制和战争英雄叙事让位给稳定与统一大帝国,政治合法性来源与官僚阶层形成路径),经济运行中有无、有多少理性成分存在,是否具备向资本主义转化潜力(尤其市场机会与经济货币化程度)。而韦伯将儒家道家称为中国宗教,亦因为两家在此中国社会中扮演宗教式角色:儒家解释与维系此岸世界,提供核心精神与文化气质,将精英社会化;道家残留部分上古魔法巫术思维,保留个人主义思维和彼岸理想,接近于大众。韦伯称儒家本质上是一理性思维,因其为现世世界背书,以精英道德文化为标杆格致现实世界且不反对经济获益;但又无法内生出西方资本主义精神,因其理性化只维系传统秩序与道德,且缺乏来自彼岸召唤的狂热与献身基础。
评分文化历史不同,随意链接对比,不认同。
评分a mark
评分great book. by putting his theory of religion and society in the context of Chinese history, he made his points clearer to me
评分文化历史不同,随意链接对比,不认同。
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