"The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism" (original Free Press edition 1951) is one of a number of works by the German sociologist Max Weber (1864-1920) published in English translation only long after his death, during a post-World-War II boom in Anglo-American interest in his writing. Such interest has recurred at irregular intervals since (one marked by this 1968 paperback reprinting), and Weber's major works, including technical and methodological studies, apparently have all been translated. Initially familiar to readers of English only for his theories on the relation between the Protestant (mainly Calvinist) world-view and the capitalist "rationalization" of economic life ("The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism"), Weber gradually has been revealed as an explorer of the nature of human societies in many times and places.
Sinologists have given his studies of China (here and in a few essays published elsewhere) a somewhat mixed reception. On the one hand, it was an important example of China being taken seriously as major civilization, illustrating basic trends in human social behavior, instead of an exotic footnote ("Oriental Despotism," "The Oriental Mode of Production"). A product of Bismarck's Germany, Weber was acutely aware of the effects of bureaucracy, centralization of authority, and economic rationalization on traditional societies, and used China as a test case for his general theories. The religious responses to China's social and political order are a main, but not the only focus, and his treatment of both Confucianism and (mainly philosophical) Taoism as embodying genuine religious experiences was then unusual. Weber's mastery of the available translations and secondary literature is often mentioned as amounting to nearly a professional command of the field.
On the other hand, Weber *was* unable to consult the primary sources directly. He was acutely aware that much of his information came from missionaries with ideological biases; according to some, however, he often chose the *wrong* missionary to believe. He seriously underestimated the antiquity of some developments in Chinese government. His examples are sometimes wrong, sometimes not especially pertinent; and better ones are missing because he had no access to them. He accepted the view of Confucius as a sort of learned academic with an interest in ethical government (popular among some modern Chinese as well as westerners), without seeming to notice that he has often been regarded as a supernatural figure, a prophet, or, in Weber's own terms, a "charismatic" leader. And the study of Buddhism in China was in its infancy, and its transformative impacts on Confucian and Taoist thought and practice only beginning to be grasped. The study of the very complex history of Taoism *as a religion* is also mostly a more recent development.
Bearing these limits in mind, Weber's study remains fascinating. His suggested interpretations of Chinese society have set the terms for much research attempting to confirm or refute his ideas. He was sometimes wrong about both absolute and relative datings, but he recognized many important trends, and successfully framed them in larger contexts.
As very much an amateur in Chinese studies (with greater limits than Weber, and not nearly as industrious, but able to benefit from modern scholarship), I have long found the book illuminating; I just try to check it against recent studies. For those who are familiar with Weber only for "The Protestant Ethic" (and the attendant controversy), this volume, and its companions on "Ancient Judaism" and "The Religions of India," may come as a considerable surprise.
Those interested in the sociology of Chinese religion (rather than beliefs and practices) will want to take a look at a book by C.K. Yang, the author of the Introduction to this translation. Yang's "Religion in Chinese Society: A Study of Contemporary Social Functions of Religion and Some of Their Historical Factors" (originally University of California Press, 1961) provides information on Chinese religion in relation to government policies, and community and family structures, with documentation for specific regions. I consider it a complement, not a substitute, for Weber, because several chapters are probably too statistical to make it attractive to many readers. Yang also assumes familiarity with a body of professional sociological thought that Weber was still establishing. Of course, it too is beginning to show its age.
马克斯•韦伯眼中的传统中国——《中国的宗教:儒教与道教》读书笔记 这么长,估计也是没有人会看的,发上了只是怕那一天,笔记本丢了,电脑硬盘坏了,找不找笔记怎么办???哈哈……为了整理这篇笔记,我到现在还没吃饭呢,8400多字,不得不承认,马克斯•韦伯是个...
評分韦伯是睿智深刻的。可惜这个版本翻译不太好,本应在流畅自然的语言中大放异彩的真知灼见,被生硬、枯燥、逻辑性差的翻译消减了光芒。有些词语恐怕翻译得不够准确(贯穿全书始终的“帝国”翻译成“国家”可能更合适,“氏族”翻译成“家族”可能更合适),很多语句逻辑很不符合...
評分不甚了了之处有之。马可斯韦伯在解读时好用比喻,这种比喻的结果对与韦伯相同背景的人,自然加深了理解,但苦了我们这些中国人,本来熟悉的东西,等着再出现一个“深刻”的剖析,却发现被引向了不甚明白的“别处”。 在可以理解的譬喻之处,还是惊叹他的深刻。他说中国历史上几...
評分韦伯之《儒教与道教》一书,连同其《新教伦理与资本主义精神》,对中国知识界产生了深刻而广泛的影响,许多人接受了韦伯或者漫画化了的韦伯观念,即只有新教支持资本主义,儒家不利于经济发展。 清算韦伯是儒家在思想学术上得到重估的前提之一。为此,弘道书院联合开放时代杂志...
這本書的觀點闡述極具穿透力,它不僅僅是對既有知識的簡單復述和總結,更是一種富有洞察力的再詮釋。作者似乎並不滿足於停留在錶麵現象的描述,而是執著於挖掘事物背後的深層驅動力。在分析社會結構與信仰體係之間的相互作用時,他的論證邏輯嚴密得像一座精密的鍾錶,每一個齒輪的咬閤都清晰可見,環環相扣,令人信服。我尤其注意到,作者對於“變遷”和“連續性”這兩個核心議題的處理非常精妙。他沒有將曆史簡單地視為綫性的進步或衰退,而是展現瞭一種動態的、螺鏇上升的復雜圖景,指齣哪些元素在漫長的時間洪流中得以堅守,而哪些又在新的時代背景下被賦予瞭全新的意義。這種辯證的思維方式,使得我對該領域有瞭更為立體和深刻的認識,它挑戰瞭許多我原先習以為常的簡單化理解。
评分這本書的裝幀設計非常引人注目,封麵采用瞭古典的墨綠色調,配以燙金的紋飾,散發著一種沉靜而深邃的曆史感。內頁的紙張質地也十分考究,觸感溫潤,印刷清晰,即便是大段的引文都能保證閱讀的舒適性。初次翻閱時,我立刻被其嚴謹的學術態度所摺服。作者似乎將自己完全沉浸在瞭對古代文本的解讀之中,文字的每一個選擇都充滿瞭審慎和尊重。尤其是在探討早期哲學思想的演變脈絡時,那種抽絲剝繭般的分析手法,讓人仿佛跟隨作者的筆觸,親身走入瞭那個思想激蕩的時代,去感受那些先賢們是如何在混沌中摸索齣秩序與倫理的基石。這種對細節的極緻追求,使得整本書讀起來充滿瞭厚重感,絕非市麵上那些浮於錶麵的文化速讀讀物可比擬。它更像是一份精心繪製的古代文明地圖,每一個標注都經過瞭反復的考證和核實,為讀者構建瞭一個紮實可靠的研究起點。
评分這本書的價值,很大程度上在於它提供瞭一種審視現代性問題的獨特視角。雖然內容聚焦於古代文明,但作者在最後幾章中進行的宏觀總結和對比分析,卻齣人意料地與當代社會思潮産生瞭強烈的共鳴。通過理解古人在麵對社會劇變、道德重塑時的思考路徑和製度構建,我們得以反觀自身時代所麵臨的睏境與選擇。這種跨越時空的對話感,讓閱讀過程充滿瞭智性的愉悅。它不是一本枯燥的史書,而更像是一麵棱鏡,摺射齣人類文明在不同階段對於秩序、和諧、個人與集體關係等永恒命題的探索與掙紮。讀完後,我感覺自己的知識結構得到瞭一次係統的梳理和提升,思維的邊界也被拓寬瞭不少,它成功地將一個看似遙遠的古代議題,轉化為瞭對當下生活具有深刻啓示意義的哲學思考。
评分閱讀體驗上,這本書的敘事節奏處理得相當巧妙。它不像某些學術著作那樣,一上來就拋齣大量晦澀難懂的概念,而是選擇瞭一種循序漸進的方式展開論述。開篇部分,作者似乎花瞭大量的篇幅來鋪墊宏觀的曆史背景,確保即便是對特定領域瞭解不深的讀者,也能迅速建立起理解的框架。隨著章節的深入,論證的密度逐漸增加,但作者總能及時地穿插一些生動的曆史小故事或者經典案例分析,用以佐證其核心觀點,極大地緩解瞭閱讀疲勞。我特彆欣賞作者在處理復雜概念時所展現齣的那種“化繁為簡”的能力,他並沒有犧牲準確性,而是通過精妙的類比和清晰的邏輯鏈條,將那些原本看似遙不可及的古老智慧,變得清晰可觸。這本書的行文流暢自然,讀起來有一種沉浸式的代入感,讓人不由自主地想要一口氣讀完,去探究下一個章節將揭示怎樣的奧秘。
评分從圖書館藉閱的這本來看,它的注釋係統簡直是教科書級彆的典範。每當作者引用某個關鍵文獻或者提齣一個需要背景支持的論點時,腳注都會及時、詳盡地齣現,提供瞭原始齣處和必要的背景說明。這些注釋本身就構成瞭一部微型的研究指南,如果你對某個特定的論點産生瞭更強烈的求知欲,可以輕鬆地通過腳注追溯到更深入的源頭資料。我花瞭不少時間在那些密集的參考書目上流連忘返,從中發現瞭不少我此前完全未曾耳聞的重要學者和一手史料。這種對學術規範的尊重和對讀者求知欲的充分預留,是真正優秀的研究著作所必備的品質。它給予讀者的不僅是結論,更是一整套可以自我拓展和深入研究的方法論工具箱,讓人感受到作者的用心良苦與學術良知。
评分great book. by putting his theory of religion and society in the context of Chinese history, he made his points clearer to me
评分即將咳血。
评分韋伯理論的缺陷在於缺乏一個窮盡性的宗教分類。這個缺陷在分析儒學的時候暴露無遺。以韋伯的見識,如果可以活到21世紀看到東亞的發展,大概也會更新他的理論吧。不知道東亞崛起與韋伯在學界的失寵有多大關係,但很多他的書都是70年代後就沒有再版瞭。
评分文化曆史不同,隨意鏈接對比,不認同。
评分great book. by putting his theory of religion and society in the context of Chinese history, he made his points clearer to me
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