British philosopher, anthropologist and sociologist, self-described Enlightenment rationalist fundamentalist, born to Czech parents in Paris and raised in Prague, where he lived the last few years of his life, and died in 1995. He received a very thorough training in the Wittgensteinian "linguistic" or "ordinary language" philosophy fashionable in Britain (and more particularly Oxford) in the '50s, and found himself quite unable to believe it, so he ran away to become an anthropologist, and studied the Berbers because a mountaineering group at the London School of Economics organized a trip to the Atlas. His first book, Words and Things (1959; preface by Russell, to whom he dedicated his second book) combined a crushing philosophical critique of linguistic philosophy with a sociological analysis of "the narodniks of North Oxford", "an intelligentsia without ideas." It was at once a succès de scandale (probably the only kind Gellner wanted, frankly) and the first real demonstration of his style: a devastating, hilarious combination of learning and intellectual seriousness with verbal play and irreverence, in particular an almost uncanny talent for finding apt, mocking names for things and ideas.
Nationalism is one of the most powerful forces in the modern world, yet it is surprisingly little studied and only imperfectly understood, either by its adherents or its opponents. Its irruption into the modern world is often explained as a resurgence of primitive, atavistic instincts, or as a delusion fostered by a few theoreticians, politicians or propagandists.
The present volume interprets nationalism in terms of its social roots, which it locates in industrial social organization. A society that aims for affluence and economic growth, Professor Gellner argues, depends on innovation, occupational mobility, mass media, universal literacy, and education in a shared, standard idiom. Taken together these transform the relationship between culture and the state. The functioning of the society depends on an all-embracing educational system, tied to one culture and protected by a state identified with that culture. The principle one state, one culture makes itself felt, and political units which do not conform to it feel the strain in the form of nationalist activity. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Table of Contents
About the Authors vii
About this Edition viii
Editor's Preface to the First Edition R. I. Moore, Founding Editor ix
Acknowledgements for the First Edition xi
Introduction John Breuilly xiii
1 Definitions 1
State and Nation 3
The Nation 5
2 Culture in Agrarian Society 8
Power and Culture in the Agro-literate Polity 9
Culture 11
The State in Agrarian Society 13
The Varieties of Agrarian Rulers 14
3 Industrial Society 19
The Society of Perpetual Growth 23
Social Genetics 29
The Age of Universal High Culture 34
4 The Transition to an Age of Nationalism 38
A Note on the Weakness of Nationalism 42
Wild and Garden Cultures 48
5 What is a Nation? 52
The Course of True Nationalism Never did Run Smooth 57
6 Social Entropy and Equality in Industrial Society 62
Obstacles to Entropy 63
Fissures and Barriers 72
A Diversity of Focus 73
7 A Typology of Nationalisms 85
The Varieties of Nationalist Experience 94
Diaspora Nationalism 98
8 The Future of Nationalism 106
Industrial Culture - One or Many? 110
9 Nationalism and Ideology 118
Who is for Nuremberg? 125
One Nation, One State 128
10 Conclusion 131
What is not being Said 131
Summary 133
作者:西闪 □思想光谱 有人说,民族是一个不证自明的实体。也有人讲,民族是一个想像的共同体。这两种说法巧妙地避开了为民族下一个确切的定义。因为人们发现,民族是一个如此难以把握的对象。尽管语言、人种、领土、宗教或者文化等因素被用来定义民族,但都无法...
評分 評分正好写了reading memo就贴上来(说明如果不是要交作业我根本读书不认真,然而就算要交作业我还是读的不认真……) Gellner写得好,我写得垃圾,有缘点进来的旁友随便康康就好。 Main Arguments: From agrarian society to industrial society, the economic, social, cultural ...
評分Benedict Anderson在《想象的共同體》新版序言中說,Earnest Gellner的Nation and Nationalism代表了功能主義視角研究民族問題,而他自己的作品則是從文化(人的想象)的角度研究。 Nation and Nationalism本版本開頭是Breuilly的介紹,其中梳理了民族主義問題研...
評分作者:西闪 □思想光谱 有人说,民族是一个不证自明的实体。也有人讲,民族是一个想像的共同体。这两种说法巧妙地避开了为民族下一个确切的定义。因为人们发现,民族是一个如此难以把握的对象。尽管语言、人种、领土、宗教或者文化等因素被用来定义民族,但都无法...
Gellner認為民族主義起源於社會由靜態農業生産轉型為發展型工業生産的經濟需求。由於人口流動性增大,各職業間可以相互轉換,打破麵對麵社會小單位之間的隔閡,因此需要形式化的文字和交流工具,有且隻有國傢的暴力機器有能力和動機承載如此龐大的教育任務。用Gellner的話說,對教育的壟斷纔是民族國傢的最重要特點。而這又使得folk culture接受或形成自己的high culture,Little tradition則被Great tradition兼並或自身進化為Great tradition。對High culture形成的討論十分有意義,但忽視瞭這個過程中民族神話與曆史記憶的關係,譬如在討論語言與印刷工業時錶示“隻有懂得此語言者被包含在道德與經濟共同體之中”,而“到底說瞭什麼則並不重要”。
评分以功能主義的視角理解國傢主義的形成。作者批評馬剋思的簡化,但自己似乎也同樣過於側重工業化,將經濟轉變視為教育、意識形態等轉變的原動力。那麼那些至今仍然以農業生産為主的國傢,他們的國傢主義情感如何理解呢?中國近代的民族主義似乎也不建立在基於工業化需求産生的同質化的國傢教育上。當然或許是我的誤讀漏讀?
评分基於曆史社會學和哲學提齣民族主義的社會功能起源。傳統農業社會裏高文化為精英階層壟斷為專屬産品,捆綁在狹小地域和社會群體中的底層人民互不通氣,職業、社會身份和居住地極少變更,難産生文化廣泛同質化和文化—政治體閤一的條件。工業社會追求經濟增長,孕育追求個人福利和物質的思維,社會分工細化,人口規模擴大,需大量在職業間流動且可相互溝通的人群,打破社會小團體隔閡且逐步削弱專屬階層對高文化的壟斷,需要大型教育機構普及文化與溝通方式。隻有國傢作為專職政治機暴力機器可以承載此任務。故國傢—文化一體化是大勢所趨,國傢被當作固定領土和血族裏經濟和文化的政治保護者,民族主義應運而生。此種功能主義被推嚮極緻,乃至反對強調民族主義的特殊文化一麵、不認同其從過往曆史和民族血緣中抽取成分作為神話化之用的論述,較極端。
评分論述nationalism 的兩本經典,它和anderson的想象的共同體
评分將國傢定義為一個社會中壟斷瞭閤法暴力的中介(追隨韋伯),且該中介與社會生活的其餘部分分開。沒有國傢,也就沒有民族主義的問題。民族的形成有兩種說法,共享文化說和意誌說(同民族的人認識到相互間的權利和義務)。在農耕社會,上層統治者隻關心徵稅和社會穩定,不會將其獨占的高等文化強行推廣至底層;自進入工業時代以來,社會結構的流動增加,思想上推崇一以貫之,運作上追求效率,統治階層的文化壟斷被打破,教育變得通識化、標準化,一方麵得以普及業已高度同質化的文化,另一方麵以便在通識基礎上快速高效地輸齣專業人纔。民族主義本質上是虛弱的(需要外力庇佑),且很難獲得切實有效的政治錶述。民族主義不是靠喚醒那些假定存在、有如神話的政治單元方得成型,而是一種新單元的結晶,盡管它需要求助於傳統文化遺産。是民族主義催生瞭民族。
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