About the Author
Bruce Bueno de Mesquita is the Julius Silver Professor of Politics and director of the Alexander Hamilton Center for Political Economy at New York University. He is the author of 16 books, including The Predictioneer’s Game.Alastair Smith is professor of politics at New York University. The recipient of three grants from the National Science Foundation and author of three books, he was chosen as the 2005 Karl Deutsch Award winner, given biennially to the best international relations scholar under the age of 40.
In this title, two renowned political scientists make the contrarian, research-based case that - regardless of any other factors political scientists or historians may find relevant - the calculations and actions of rulers are the driving force of all politics, and the primary goal of rulers is to maintain power as long as possible. In this clever and accessible book, Bueno de Mesquita and Smith introduce us to their perspective of the political world. They bare the logic of politics, starting from the simple premise that leaders pursue their own ends, and that populations either have, or more often don't have, the power to constrain them to a significant degree. The book is organized by a series interconnected questions, among them: Why do leaders who wreck their countries keep their jobs for so long? Why do autocracies have dismal economic policies? How are there so many suffering people in resource-rich lands? Why do 'natural disasters' disproportionately strike poor nations? Why do 'evil-doers' so often collect loads of foreign aid? Why are democracies so good at war? In answering these questions, the authors look at politics, the choices of public policies, and even decisions about war and peace as lying outside of conventional thinking about culture and history. They set aside ideas of civic virtue and psychopathology. Such notions simply are not central to understanding what leaders do and why they do it. Instead, Bueno de Mesquita and Smith see politicians as self-interested louts, just the sort of people you wouldn't want to have over for dinner, but without whom you might not have dinner at all. And from this perspective, they are able to answer some perplexing mysteries of politics, shed light on what we read in the newspapers every single day, and offer realistic ways of improving human governance.
读完这本书之后 比较直观的感受是作者对于政治本质的看法确实十分透彻。诚然,就如同书里所梳理的那样,这个时间上的任何一个国家的政体无外乎是处在那个3维的框架里的不同位置而已。 但作为一个中国人,一个对官员腐败恨之入骨的屁民,书中对于腐败的理解是我觉得最出彩的部...
評分给大家个数据,应该叫有影响力集团还是致胜联盟大家自己思考吧。(以下均复制网络http://t.m.youth.cn/transfer/index/url/mip.youth.cn/sz/201710/t20171024_10910065.htm) 关于中央委员会的具体人数,中共党章无硬性规定。相关条款指出:中央委员会委员和候补委员的名额,由...
評分年初在zaker上看到对本书的书评,看完书评以后就有看原著的强烈兴趣了。 作者在这本书里把对政治长达近20年的研究变成了普通老百姓都能看懂的通俗文字。 本书对于理解各国政府的行为有极大帮助,包括导致某搜索网站最终404的事件。本书对于统治的基本规则,不同执政者如何掌权...
評分读完这本书之后 比较直观的感受是作者对于政治本质的看法确实十分透彻。诚然,就如同书里所梳理的那样,这个时间上的任何一个国家的政体无外乎是处在那个3维的框架里的不同位置而已。 但作为一个中国人,一个对官员腐败恨之入骨的屁民,书中对于腐败的理解是我觉得最出彩的部...
評分给大家个数据,应该叫有影响力集团还是致胜联盟大家自己思考吧。(以下均复制网络http://t.m.youth.cn/transfer/index/url/mip.youth.cn/sz/201710/t20171024_10910065.htm) 关于中央委员会的具体人数,中共党章无硬性规定。相关条款指出:中央委员会委员和候补委员的名额,由...
這本書告訴我,如果我實在無法移民到發達國傢,我可以考慮移民到一個不那麼發達的民主國傢,但是動作要快,因為他們發達的速度都驚人,時不我待。還有這場“反復”運動的主要目的是減少製勝聯盟的人數,同時所有的其他政策都在指嚮更為“獨菜”的方嚮,也就是說,如果成功,將是更加暗無天日的世界,而失敗幾乎隻能期待經濟崩潰,也絕對是大多數人的損失。另外,美國不需要一個“閩豬”的瓷器,更符閤他們利益的是一個聽話的獨裁政府。
评分今年讀的最後一本書,和 why nation fails相得益彰。一個是講政治,一個講經濟,其實說的都是同一件事。以前拿起the logic of political survival,結果沒看下去,模型有點太復雜,這本確實非常容易讀。
评分《傲嬌小獨裁養成手冊》 (於是我上瞭這課的最大感受就是卡紮菲年輕時很萌……麼)
评分重點看瞭看中文版刪節部分,再看的話評價沒有那麼高瞭,部分觀點值得商榷,不過仍然是值得看的好書。
评分一本本可以用十頁紙講完的書。Read the first few chapters and skim the rest. 這本書最大的問題就是業餘,而且花瞭太多時間去業餘。淺薄的另一麵就是很多細節沒有得到起碼的有用的解釋。比如說,當他所認為導緻腐敗的元素一直是固定的時候,那他就有必要解釋一下在不同時間不同地點為什麼checks on corruption産生瞭變化。
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