Since its initial publication nearly fifteen years ago The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order has become a classic work of international relations and one of the most influential books ever written about foreign affairs. An insightful and powerful analysis of the forces driving global politics, it is as indispensable to our understanding of American foreign policy today as the day it was published. As former National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski says in his new foreword to the book, it “has earned a place on the shelf of only about a dozen or so truly enduring works that provide the quintessential insights necessary for a broad understanding of world affairs in our time.” Samuel Huntington explains how clashes between civilizations are the greatest threat to world peace but also how an international order based on civilizations is the best safeguard against war. Events since the publication of the book have proved the wisdom of that analysis. The 9/11 attacks and wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have demonstrated the threat of civilizations but have also shown how vital international cross-civilization cooperation is to restoring peace. As ideological distinctions among nations have been replaced by cultural differences, world politics has been reconfigured. Across the globe, new conflicts—and new cooperation—have replaced the old order of the Cold War era. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order explains how the population explosion in Muslim countries and the economic rise of East Asia are changing global politics. These developments challenge Western dominance, promote opposition to supposedly “universal” Western ideals, and intensify intercivilization conflict over such issues as nuclear proliferation, immigration, human rights, and democracy. The Muslim population surge has led to many small wars throughout Eurasia, and the rise of China could lead to a global war of civilizations. Huntington offers a strategy for the West to preserve its unique culture and emphasizes the need for people everywhere to learn to coexist in a complex, multipolar, muliticivilizational world.
Samuel Phillips Huntington (April 18, 1927 – December 24, 2008) was an influential conservative political scientist from the United States of America whose works covered multiple sub-fields of political science. He gained wider prominence through his Clash of Civilizations (1993, 1996) thesis of a post-Cold War new world order.
He was a member of Harvard's department of government from 1950 until he was denied tenure in 1959.From 1959 to 1962 he was an associate professor of government at Columbia University where he was also Deputy Director of The Institute for War and Peace Studies. Huntington was invited to return to Harvard with tenure in 1963 and remained there until his death. He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1965.Huntington and Warren Demian Manshel co-founded and co-edited Foreign Policy. Huntington stayed as co-editor until 1977.
His first major book was The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations, (1957) which was highly controversial when it was published, but today is regarded as the most influential book on American civil-military relations. He became prominent with his Political Order in Changing Societies (1968), a work that challenged the conventional view of modernization theorists, that economic and social progress would produce stable democracies in recently decolonized countries. As a consultant to the U.S. Department of State, and in an influential 1968 article in Foreign Affairs, he advocated the concentration of the rural population of South Vietnam as a means of isolating the Viet Cong. He also was co-author of The Crisis of Democracy: On the Governability of Democracies, a report issued by the Trilateral Commission in 1976. During 1977 and 1978, in the administration of Jimmy Carter, he was the White House Coordinator of Security Planning for the National Security Council.
Huntington died on December 24, 2008, at age 81 in Martha's Vineyard, Massachusetts.
http://www.douban.com/note/181102313/ 一、 首先不能说该书全无道理,至少它对现实政治里面的冲突是理顺了的,假若人们真的产生了对立感,一方感到深深的孤独和隔绝,好象成为了异在于某文明的杂质,这一方的文明必然会作为一个整体反抗外来的侵蚀和压迫,这既合乎此书的道...
评分 评分亨廷顿这本文明的冲突是从一篇论文扩展而来,最早是发表在《外交》杂志上,发表不久就遭到了学界围攻。亨廷顿将其扩展为一本书,就是为了应对这些批评。如果读过亨廷顿其他著作的人,应该很容易发现,亨廷顿的这本书写得非常杂乱、不成系统,拼凑的痕迹非常明显。里面自我矛...
评分1、一本书好不好,特别是一本关于国际关系政治学说的书,大可以放一放,等时间来验证其可读性。只是我没想到一放就是二十年。在我高中的时候,那时候全国上下掀起了浩浩荡荡批判本书的浪潮。我那时极其感兴趣,为何这本书会引起当局如此的恐惧?弗兰西斯福山的《历史的终结》,...
可以说,这不是一个严谨的研究,而是一个猜想和论断。变化社会—艰难抉择—第三波—文明冲突,亨氏骨子里实为一极传统之保守/现实主义者:意识到人类思想与力量之有限,故坚守宗教底线,强调秩序优先,怀疑进步主义、普世精神,对政治社会工程审慎乐观,和而不同(我不同化你你也别同化我),主张群体间最基本互惠容忍、超过者皆视为干涉。本书引用例子时代性强,故略狭隘:巴尔干乱局未扩展为文明边界战争,冷战后初期中国与伊斯兰经贸军事联系未扩展为广义文明联盟(且中国向来警惕绿教渗透),俄国近邻地区动乱很快平息。但对于世界政治许多总体趋势,特别是伊斯兰快速复兴和扩张,有发人深省的分析。在认同政治复兴、个人认同愈来愈碎片化的世代,难以否认以文明为单位观察世界并重构世界秩序的诱惑性:它也许让进步主义者失望,却简洁而稳定。
评分亨廷顿为冷战后的国际政治研究开辟了一个崭新且充满启发性的视角。有一章专门探讨了欧洲各国政治体制演变……真的读不下去……书中对于中国的很多讨论已经尽可能地避免了西方中心论的影响。在上世纪90年代就能做到这样真的非常不容易。可作者走得太匆匆,导致这本书没能更新,只有第一版,挺遗憾的。
评分This is a great book because it tells its readers what the post Cold War world would be like, the auther is a great politic writer who has broad knowledge on world politics and economy and also different societies and races. If you are interested in world politics and wants to know more about history, this is the book you need.
评分[English version]挑刺当然可以,但这么系统性地论述世界文明真心觉得棒。而且Huntington作为一个西方人,能如此不West-centered看问题,太不容易了。Islam的部分学到了特别多,导致我现在特别想去土耳其看一看。而美国如何处理自身Western heritage和diversify的平衡,也非常有启发。
评分可以说,这不是一个严谨的研究,而是一个猜想和论断。变化社会—艰难抉择—第三波—文明冲突,亨氏骨子里实为一极传统之保守/现实主义者:意识到人类思想与力量之有限,故坚守宗教底线,强调秩序优先,怀疑进步主义、普世精神,对政治社会工程审慎乐观,和而不同(我不同化你你也别同化我),主张群体间最基本互惠容忍、超过者皆视为干涉。本书引用例子时代性强,故略狭隘:巴尔干乱局未扩展为文明边界战争,冷战后初期中国与伊斯兰经贸军事联系未扩展为广义文明联盟(且中国向来警惕绿教渗透),俄国近邻地区动乱很快平息。但对于世界政治许多总体趋势,特别是伊斯兰快速复兴和扩张,有发人深省的分析。在认同政治复兴、个人认同愈来愈碎片化的世代,难以否认以文明为单位观察世界并重构世界秩序的诱惑性:它也许让进步主义者失望,却简洁而稳定。
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