Kenneth Pomeranz , 1958—

著名历史学家，曾任美国历史学会会长（2013—2014），“加州学派”代表人物。1980年于康奈尔大学获学士学位，1988年于耶鲁大学获博士学位，师从史景迁。现任美国芝加哥大学历史系教授。主要著作有：《腹地的构建 ：华北内地的国家、社会和经济（1853—1937）》（荣获1994年费正清奖）、《大分流：欧洲、中国及现代世界经济的发展》（荣获2000年费正清奖、2001年世界历史协会年度图书奖）、《贸易打造的世界：1400年至今的社会、文化与世界经济》（与史蒂文•托皮克合著）等。

译者

马俊亚

1966年生，江苏沭阳人。现为南京大学历史系教授、博士生导师。主要著作有：《规模经济与区域发展——近代江南地区企业经营现代化研究》《被牺牲的“局部”：淮北社会生态变迁研究（1680—1949）》等。

This wholly original reassessment of critical issues in modern Chinese history traces social, economic, and ecological change in inland North China during the late Qing dynasty and the Republic. Using many new sources, Kenneth Pomeranz argues that the development of certain regions entailed the systematic underdevelopment of other regions. He maps changes in local finance, farming, transportation, taxation, and popular protest, and analyzes the consequences for different classes, sub-regions, and genders.Pomeranz attributes these diverse developments to several causes: the growing but incomplete integration of North China into the world economy, the state's abandonment of many hinterland areas and traditional functions, and the effect of local social structures on these processes. He shows that hinterlands were made, not merely found, and were powerfully shaped by the strategies of local groups as well as outside forces. This wholly original reassessment of critical issues in modern Chinese history traces social, economic, and ecological change in inland North China during the late Qing dynasty and the Republic. Using many new sources, Kenneth Pomeranz argues that the development of certain regions entailed the systematic underdevelopment of other regions. He maps changes in local finance, farming, transportation, taxation, and popular protest, and analyzes the consequences for different classes, sub-regions, and genders.Pomeranz attributes these diverse developments to several causes: the growing but incomplete integration of North China into the world economy, the state's abandonment of many hinterland areas and traditional functions, and the effect of local social structures on these processes. He shows that hinterlands were made, not merely found, and were powerfully shaped by the strategies of local groups as well as outside forces.